BACKGROUND & AIMS: -2

背景与目标： -2

BACKGROUND & AIMS: :Recent anthropological interest in sexuality has been closely related to symbolic constructions of gender in different societies. Most studies explore the cultural constitution of sexual meanings without addressing how sex is experienced by actors. Material from the Bumbita Arapesh of the East Sepik Province of Papua New Guinea reveals that the local cultural ideology of male sexual domination does not adequately describe actual sexual experiences of Bumbita men and women. Cultural ideology states that men control sexual encounters as a part of their masculine essence, yet in actual marriages women often take the initiative in limiting sexual practice following postpartum prohibitions. Contrary to cultural expectations, men exhibit anxiety concerning sexual relations in a marriage. The public assertion of sexual dominance and suppression of sexual intimacy compensate for a sense of vulnerability accompanying sexual experience. An analytical distinction between "cultural ideology" and "individual experience" helps clarify the climate of sexual relationships in a cultural context.

背景与目标： ：人类学上最近对性的兴趣与不同社会中性别的象征性构造密切相关。大多数研究探索了性意义的文化构成，但并未涉及演员如何体验性。巴布亚新几内亚东部塞皮克省的Bumbita Arapesh的资料显示，当地男性性统治的文化意识形态不足以描述Bumbita男女的实际性经历。文化意识形态指出，男人控制性接触是其男性本质的一部分，但是在实际婚姻中，女性通常会在产后禁令后主动限制性行为。与文化期望相反，男人对婚姻中的性关系表现出焦虑。公开宣称的性支配地位和对性亲密的压制弥补了伴随性经历而产生的脆弱感。在“文化意识形态”和“个人经验”之间的分析区别有助于弄清文化背景下的性关系气氛。

BACKGROUND & AIMS: :We argue that Whitehouse's group-based model neglects two key contextual variables: environmental threats and ideology. Environmental threats lead to extremism outside of group settings and predispose individuals toward joining ideologically zealous groups. Ideologies and environmental threats can also explain why certain groups adopt norms that encourage violent self-sacrifice.

背景与目标： ：我们认为，怀特豪斯基于小组的模型忽略了两个关键的上下文变量：环境威胁和意识形态。环境威胁导致极端主义超越了群体环境，使个人倾向于加入具有意识形态热情的群体。意识形态和环境威胁也可以解释为什么某些团体采用鼓励暴力自我牺牲的准则。

BACKGROUND & AIMS: :This article provides a critical examination of the professional ideology associated with the expansion of psychiatric treatment in the ASEAN countries of Southeast Asia. Four components of professional ideology are identified: appeal to "modernization"; medicalization of social problems; integration of psychiatry with primary health care; and panhuman uniformity of mental illness. However, the adoption of psychiatric technology has been a significant factor in the erosion of indigenous systems of social and psychological support since the colonial period. Contemporary psychiatric practices are also shown to exacerbate social inequalities, enhance state control of the populace, and continue to operate without adequate validation of diagnoses and treatments.

背景与目标： ：本文对与东南亚国家联盟（ASEAN）国家中的精神科治疗扩展有关的专业思想进行了严格的考察。确定了职业意识形态的四个组成部分：呼吁“现代化”；社会问题的医疗；将精神病学与初级卫生保健相结合；以及人类精神疾病的统一性。但是，自殖民时期以来，采用精神科技术一直是侵蚀土著社会和心理支持系统的重要因素。还显示出当代精神病学做法加剧了社会不平等，增强了对民众的国家控制，并且在没有充分验证诊断和治疗方法的情况下继续开展活动。

BACKGROUND & AIMS: :The Authoritarian Family Ideology Scale (AFI,,) was administered to four hundred and thirty eight mothers towards the end of their confinement. Raw scores were analyzed by means of multiple linear regression. Chrono- logical age and social class scores were found to give substantial accounts of criterion variance. AFI,, scores tended to drop as age and social class rose. Interaction and curvilinearity did not increase R2 values to a substantial degree.

背景与目标： ：在分娩期末，向438位母亲施行了专制家庭意识量表（AFI，）。通过多元线性回归分析原始分数。发现按年代划分的年龄和社会阶层得分对准则差异具有实质性说明。 AFI分数随着年龄和社会阶层的增加而趋于下降。相互作用和曲线线性并没有在很大程度上提高R2值。

BACKGROUND & AIMS: :In this work we discuss the emergence of Clinical Epidemiology with its doubly ideological nature. We begin by presenting different connotations of ideology, two of which are chosen to be discussed here. The first is the positivistic concept of ideology as the set of ideas of a given historical time; the second is the Marxist concept of ideology, as concealing relations of dominance. Under the first meaning, Clinical Epidemiology is discussed vis-à-vis ideas in force in the 1980's, giving it a predominantly post-modern character along with the load of individualism born by this word. Finally, we present the myths underlying Clinical Epidemiology, seen now according to the second meaning of ideology.

背景与目标： ：在这项工作中，我们讨论了具有双重意识形态性质的临床流行病学的出现。我们首先介绍意识形态的不同含义，在这里选择其中两个进行讨论。首先是意识形态的实证主义概念，是给定历史时期的一套思想；第二个是马克思主义意识形态概念，隐瞒了统治关系。在第一个含义下，相对于1980年代有效的观念对临床流行病学进行了讨论，使之具有显着的后现代特征以及该词所带来的个人主义负担。最后，我们介绍了临床流行病学背后的神话，现在根据意识形态的第二种含义可以看到。

BACKGROUND & AIMS: The authors distributed a sex-role ideology questionnaire to practicing psychiatrists, psychiatric residents, university students, and groups of traditional and feminist women. Psychiatrists and psychiatric residents as a group were significantly more feminist in their ideology than university students and the traditional women's group but were less feminist than a group of feminist women. There were no differences between practicing psychiatrists and psychiatric residents. Overall, women were more feminist than men and increasing age was found to be associated with increasingly traditional ideology. These findings challenge the view that psychiatrists as a group have traditional views that make them part of a traditional medical power structure.

背景与目标： 作者向在职的精神科医生，精神病患者，大学生以及传统和女权主义妇女群体分发了性别角色意识形态调查表。精神病医生和精神病患者作为一个整体，其思想上的女权主义者比大学生和传统妇女群体要多得多，但与一群女权主义者相比，女权主义者要少。执业的精神科医生和精神科住院医师之间没有差异。总体而言，女性比男性更具有女权主义，年龄的增长与越来越多的传统意识形态有关。这些发现挑战了这样一种观点，即精神科医生作为一个整体具有传统观点，使他们成为传统医疗权力结构的一部分。

BACKGROUND & AIMS: :This study involves the analysis of three waves of survey data about nuclear energy using a probability-based online panel of respondents in the United States. Survey waves included an initial baseline survey conducted in early 2010, a follow-up survey conducted in 2010 following the Deepwater Horizon oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico, and an additional follow-up conducted just after the 2011 Fukushima, Japan, nuclear accident. The central goal is to assess the degree to which changes in public views following an accident are contingent on individual attention and respondent predispositions. Such results would provide real-world evidence of motivated reasoning. The primary analysis focuses on the impact of Fukushima and how the impact of individual attention to energy issues is moderated by both environmental views and political ideology over time. The analysis uses both mean comparisons and multivariate statistics to test key relationships. Additional variables common in the study of emerging technologies are included in the analysis, including demographics, risk and benefit perceptions, and views about the fairness of decisionmakers in both government and the private sector.

背景与目标： ：这项研究涉及使用美国基于概率的在线受访者小组对三波有关核能的调查数据进行分析。调查波包括在2010年初进行的初始基线调查，在墨西哥湾的Deepwater Horizo​​n漏油事件之后于2010年进行的后续调查，以及在2011年日本福岛发生核事故之后进行的另一项后续调查。中心目标是评估事故发生后公众舆论的变化程度取决于个人的关注和响应者的倾向。这样的结果将提供现实世界中动机推理的证据。初步分析的重点是福岛的影响以及随着时间的流逝，环境观点和政治意识形态如何缓解个人对能源问题的关注。该分析使用均值比较和多元统计量来测试关键关系。分析中还包括了新兴技术研究中常见的其他变量，包括人口统计学，风险和收益认知以及对政府和私营部门决策者公平性的看法。

BACKGROUND & AIMS: :Data from a recently completed study of head injuries reveal that many of these injuries, and deaths from these injuries, result from interpersonal violence and automobile accidents. Such injuries are normally difficult to prevent. In this study it was found that much of the interpersonal violence involves family members and many of the vehicle accidents, especially those that result in death, happen to pedestrians. Prevention thus becomes even more difficult. Based upon these data and observations, five categories of prevention strategies are generated and evaluated. It is determined that the four strategies usually within the domain of traditional prevention (inaction, education, legislation, and design alterations) are not likely to prevent many head injuries or injuries in general. A fifth category is thus recommended. This category requires meaningful involvement of people into work that impacts on the social and political reality of their lives. The prevailing ideology of prevention offered by the health professions is considered and is found to be in opposition to our fifth prevention category. The implications of this opposition are examined and the search for improved health is considered in this context.

背景与目标： ：最近完成的一项头部受伤研究的数据显示，其中许多伤害以及这些伤害造成的死亡是人际暴力和交通事故造成的。这种伤害通常很难预防。在这项研究中，发现许多人际暴力都涉及家庭成员，许多行人交通事故，特别是那些导致死亡的交通事故，都发生在行人身上。因此，预防变得更加困难。根据这些数据和观察，生成并评估了五种预防策略。已确定通常在传统预防范围内的四种策略（不作为，教育，立法和设计变更）不太可能预防许多头部受伤或一般情况下的伤害。因此，建议第五类。这一类别要求人们有意义地参与工作，从而影响他们生活中的社会和政治现实。卫生专业人员提出的流行的预防意识形态被认为与我们的第五种预防类别相对立。在这种情况下，审查了这种反对派的含义，并考虑了寻求改善健康状况的努力。

BACKGROUND & AIMS: :The present review examines the moderating role of ideology on the effects of war, armed conflict, and terrorism on youth. Ideology is an important factor given the central role played by religio-political ideology and nationalism in present-day conflicts. Ideologies or worldviews represent cognitive frameworks that imbue the traumatic situation with meaning and order. Analysis of the pool of studies identified three categories of ideologically based moderating factors, each representing an aspect of social construction of traumatic events, namely, religion, political ideology, and self-concept. The two closely related categories of religion and politico-religious beliefs showed both positive and negative effects on psychological and psychiatric outcomes among youth. The third category of different aspects of self-concept yielded consistently positive moderating effects. The mechanisms by which each category of ideology moderates effects of exposure to war, armed conflict, and terrorism are discussed, and research and clinical implications are presented.

背景与目标： ：本综述探讨了意识形态在战争，武装冲突和恐怖主义对青年的影响方面的适度作用。鉴于宗教政治思想和民族主义在当今冲突中发挥着核心作用，意识形态是一个重要因素。意识形态或世界观代表了认知框架，将意义和顺序灌输给创伤状况。对研究库的分析确定了三类基于意识形态的调节因素，每一类代表创伤事件的社会建构的一个方面，即宗教，政治意识形态和自我概念。宗教和政治宗教信仰这两个密切相关的类别对青年的心理和精神病学结果既有正面的影响，也有负面的影响。自我概念不同方面的第三类产生了持续的积极调节作用。讨论了每种意识形态减缓战争，武装冲突和恐怖主义的影响的机制，并介绍了研究和临床意义。

BACKGROUND & AIMS: :In different countries responses to important bioethical issues are different, as exemplified by the attitudes towards the voluntary and active forms of medical euthanasia. But why is this the case? My suggestion is that the roots of the variety are, to be considerable degree, ideological. The most important present-day political ideologies all have their roots in the prevailing doctrines of moral and social philosophy. In the paper these doctrines are outlined and the predicted response towards active voluntary euthanasia within each model is sketched. The conclusion reached is that while it would in some countries be dangerous to allow euthanasia in the prevailing circumstances, the solution is not to hinder the legalization process but to alter the circumstances.

背景与目标： ：在不同的国家，对重要的生物伦理问题的反应是不同的，这体现在对自愿和主动形式的医疗安乐死的态度上。但是为什么会这样呢？我的建议是，该品种的根源在很大程度上是意识形态的。当今最重要的政治意识形态都源于流行的道德和社会哲学学说。在本文中，概述了这些理论，并概述了每个模型中对主动自愿性安乐死的预期反应。得出的结论是，虽然在某些国家中，在当前情况下允许安乐死是危险的，但解决方案不是阻止合法化进程，而是改变情况。

BACKGROUND & AIMS: :Authoritarian ideology, including religious conservativism, endorses obedience to authority and physical punishment of children. Although this association has been studied at the level of the family, little research has been conducted on whether conservativism in the broader community context correlates with the mistreatment of children. The purpose of this study was to determine whether this relation between conservativism and physical punishment of children extends to child abuse rates at the community level. Predictors included county-level religious and political conservativism and demographic variables. Political and religious conservativism covaried, and both were inversely related to child abuse rates. Population density was strongly related to rates of maltreatment and with demographic factors controlled, religious conservativism but not political conservativism continued to predict rates of child abuse. The results suggest that community factors related to social disorganization may be more important than religious or political affiliation in putting children at risk for maltreatment.

背景与目标： ：包括宗教保守主义在内的威权主义意识形态赞成服从儿童的权威和身体上的惩罚。尽管已经在家庭层面研究了这种联系，但在更广泛的社区背景下，保守主义是否与虐待儿童相关联的研究很少。这项研究的目的是确定保守主义和对儿童的身体惩罚之间的这种关系是否扩展到社区一级的儿童虐待率。预测因素包括县级宗教和政治保守主义以及人口统计变量。政治和宗教保守主义是协变的，两者都与虐待儿童的比率成反比。人口密度与虐待率密切相关，在人口因素受到​​控制的情况下，宗教保守主义而非政治保守主义继续预测虐待儿童的发生率。结果表明，与社会混乱有关的社区因素可能比宗教或政治背景更重要，这使儿童有遭受虐待的风险。

BACKGROUND & AIMS: -2

背景与目标： -2

BACKGROUND & AIMS: TOPIC:The concepts and research that underpin our understanding of how the brain is the organ of the mind. PURPOSE:To describe the dynamic nature of nervous system functioning and development; to discuss how the nervous system changes anatomically throughout the lifespan; to examine the vital role and interaction of genetics and environment; and to discuss the relationship among the brain, neurotransmission, genes, and psychiatric illness. SOURCES:Published literature. CONCLUSIONS:The latest research from the neurosciences lays to rest any suggestion that psychiatric illnesses are psychologically induced.

背景与目标： 主题：概念和研究奠定了我们对大脑如何成为大脑器官的理解的基础。
目的：描述神经系统功能和发展的动态特性；讨论神经系统在整个生命周期中的解剖结构变化；研究遗传学与环境的重要作用及其相互作用；并讨论大脑，神经传递，基因和精神病之间的关系。
资料来源：已出版的文献。
结论：神经科学的最新研究搁置了关于精神疾病是由心理诱发的任何暗示。

BACKGROUND & AIMS: :Evidence from three studies reveals a critical difference in self-control as a function of political ideology. Specifically, greater endorsement of political conservatism (versus liberalism) was associated with greater attention regulation and task persistence. Moreover, this relationship is shown to stem from varying beliefs in freewill; specifically, the association between political ideology and self-control is mediated by differences in the extent to which belief in freewill is endorsed, is independent of task performance or motivation, and is reversed when freewill is perceived to impede (rather than enhance) self-control. Collectively, these findings offer insight into the self-control consequences of political ideology by detailing conditions under which conservatives and liberals are better suited to engage in self-control and outlining the role of freewill beliefs in determining these conditions.

背景与目标： ：来自三项研究的证据表明，自我控制与政治意识形态的作用存在重大差异。具体而言，对政治保守主义（相对于自由主义）的更大认可与更大的注意力调节和任务持久性相关。而且，这种关系被证明源于对自由意志的不同信念。具体而言，政治意识形态与自我控制之间的联系是通过以下方式来介导的：在认可自由意志的程度上，与任务绩效或动机无关的差异，以及当人们认为自由意志阻碍（而不是增强）自我意识时会逆转。控制。总而言之，这些发现通过详细说明保守派和自由主义者更适合进行自我控制的条件，并概述了自由意志信念在确定这些条件中的作用，从而洞察了政治意识形态的自我控制后果。